The effects of globalization here in the United States are obvious and inescapable. The overwhelming presence of globalization is demonstrated in nearly every aspect of our lives from the clothes we wear, cars we drive, cell phones we talk on, computers we use, and customer support services we utilize. Globalization has an effect on individuals all over the world. As a whole, human civilization has been steadily transitioning from many geographically diverse, locally-oriented economies to one single, highly competitive global economy. This new global economy is relentlessly focused on “increased productivity, cost-cutting, and profit maximization” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 23). The developed countries at the forefront of this movement are undoubtedly reaping many of the rewards. Meanwhile, other developing countries are rushing just to keep up. These developing countries are changing at such a rapid pace, and are so heavily influenced by the developed countries, that their traditional cultures, lifestyles, and identities are being altered. In this essay, I will focus on the effects that globalization has had on the identities and lifestyles of eighteen- to twenty-five-year old Indian call center workers. More specifically, I will examine the high burn-out and labor turnover rates of young call center workers, their disillusionment with family, friends and traditions, and their non-traditional patterns of social interaction within the call center community.
Business process outsourcing or BPO is one of the most noticeable aspects of globalization and is responsible for a significant portion of international business relationships between developed and developing nations. Business process outsourcing is best defined as “the breaking up of business activities into modules or interlocking blocks each of which can be performed, created, and delivered by geographically disparate, non-intersecting units” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 23). Essentially, a business may be broken down into sets of tasks or processes which may then be performed by the most qualified or cost effective entity, no matter where they are physically located. This concept enables businesses to focus on a narrowly defined set of core competencies thereby maximizing efficiency and profitability. What is often overlooked is the fact that these interacting business partners, connected by telecommunications technology are often “physically located in strongly contrasting environments, and occupy very different social locations in the local class structure” (Huws 2006, 39).
Business process outsourcing to India has grown considerably in the past decade “as the Indian government has sought to liberalize the economy and open India’s markets to the rest of the world” (Menning 1999, 16). Only fifty years ago, India had a Fordist-style, large-scale production economy. This has since given way to a more “flexible economy in which newer, more dynamic firms are arising to take advantage of deregulation and the freer flow of capital, people and ideas between India and the rest of the world” (Menning 1999, 16). Given the abundance of a young, educated, English-fluent work force, and the recent government deregulation, India has become a prime target for United States- and United Kingdom-owned firms to outsource their voice-based services.
India’s call center industry, also referred to as information technology-enabled services, currently employs over a million individuals. The call centers typically recruit young college students or recent college graduates by emphasizing “minimum skill requirements and the luster of monetary awards” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 31). The starting salaries for call center workers are, on average, “two and a half times as much as salaries in other job openings” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 25). The down side is that call center work typically means you must “work at night to cater to U.S. time zones, and adjust to an altered social and family life” (Sharma 2003). Workers are also trained to speak English without their native accents, to follow Western popular culture (slang, sports, news, etc.) and essentially “navigate two alternate worlds, each characterized by different spheres of existence” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 24). In sum, the dual-existence that call center workers are required to live ends up having a significant impact on their own identities and lifestyles.
High burn-out rates and labor turnover within the call center industry is common. The official rate reported by industry analysts is “between 30-40%, and the unofficial figure is estimated at 70%” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 30). The general problem is that “employees don't look at their jobs as a long-term career option and have low expectations of professional growth within the industry” (Sharma 2003). But a closer look reveals that these high turnover figures can also be connected to three major details related to call center work: The job is highly repetitive and stressful, the employees are often over-qualified, and there is a high level of horizontal mobility within the industry. Call center workers may earn more money than workers in other fields, but a recent study conducted by the Communications Workers Association revealed that these employees typically work a lot of over time, take more calls than their U.S. counterparts and, over all, “are facing what the report described as a "worker intensity level" of 81 percent to 84 percent, far above the 50 percent that the authors deem "reasonable"” (Marquez 2006, 14). In addition to a higher workload, Indian call center employees also fall victim to racist Americans bitter about the loss of jobs overseas. The high workload and heavy verbal abuse leads to ailments such as “sleeping disorders, digestive system disorders, eye, and throat problems” (Mitter 2005, 118). Most workers at call centers also have college educations. In fact, a 2003 survey found that “9 percent of employees hold M.B.A. degrees” (Sharma 2003). Because so many call center workers are well educated, and are not challenged by the works repetitive nature, they will use these call center jobs as a segway into other related IT businesses. In some cases, call centers will start their own businesses with the experience and capital they raise. In addition to stress and over-qualification, workers in the call center industry experience a high level of horizontal mobility. They will travel from company to company pursuing higher pay, better benefits, or a better work environment. High stress, over-qualification, and high horizontal mobility are relatively new issues that young Indian workers have never before had to deal with. The lifestyle of the young Indian worker is changing within a single generation. This, indisputably, has had an impact on their cultural landscape and their perceived position in the global marketplace.
A major change that has resulted from the emergence of the new generation of young, financially and socially independent call center workers is their disillusionment with family, friends and Indian traditions. Some argue that “the United States has exported more than jobs and products to India—it has exported values” (Kalita 2005) to the subculture of call center workers. These young workers are precariously positioned “both as producers and consumers in this economy of consumption” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 25). Their pursuit of higher paying call center work leads them away from their homes and into the cities where the work is. The work requires long hours, frequent overtime, and the adoption of a nocturnal schedule. Because “call-center workers take U.S. holidays including Labor Day and Thanksgiving… they end up hanging out with friends from other call centers” (Kalita 2005). Parents of call center workers say that “their children are too busy, with no time for weddings, holidays or relatives. While young people's social life used to revolve around family, now it increasingly focuses on friends and work” (Kalita 2005). The higher pay and increased exposure to Western culture also results in more brand consciousness among call center workers. This new line of work enables them to purchase expensive things like “jeans, cologne, or nightclub admissions” (Kalita 2005) that would not be possible if they still lived at home and were dependent on their parents for spending money. The isolation of the new generation of educated, well-off, young call center workers from their families and old friends is straining the traditional models of Indian relationships. Their career choices are “fostering a cultural backlash, as the country's young, hip BPO workers run up against the traditions of the older generations” (Kalita 2005).
Call centers have also given rise to a non-traditional pattern of social interaction among male and female workers in the industry. Unlike most other industries in India, call centers employ a high amount of female workers. “In some companies, the figure can be as high as 70 percent” (Mitter 2005, 147), which is far higher than the “national economy as a whole, at 13 percent” (Mitter 2005, 110). The co-mingling of male and female workers in the call center industry has created new concerns that challenge traditional Indian cultures. On days off, call center workers usually gather at local coffee shops. Typical conversation among workers includes such topics of “movies, dating, gadgets and gaming” (Kalita 2005). These coffee shops are constantly full of young college students and call center workers. “Some try to study, but most just hang out and talk, flirt and gossip” (Krishnamurthy 2005, 27). Young call center workers often enjoy greater freedoms than their parents once did, earning decent salaries and living away from home. These young, independent workers sometimes live by themselves, but more commonly share flats with their coworkers in the cities. “A large number of single young women now live in the cities away from their families and male relatives” (Mitter 2005, 121) as well. One of the most culturally taboo freedoms associated with living away from home is the freedom to date and have casual sexual relationships. It is not uncommon for young call center employees, when not working, to spend their “spare time drinking, dancing – and sleeping – with colleagues” (Page 2007). With so many call center employees living this type of lifestyle, “experts caution that call-centre workers should be considered a high-risk group, alongside truckers, sex workers and intravenous drug users, if India is to prevent an African-style [HIV/Aids] epidemic” (Page 2007). In fact, India already has “the world’s third-highest caseload of HIV/Aids after Nigeria and South Africa” (Page 2007). This is an issue that young workers never before had to be conditioned to deal with. Traditional Indian custom requires that young people abstain from sexual relations until they are married. The new, culturally deviant lifestyle of call center workers is having resonating effects on India’s culture and unfortunately, its health.
Globalization is likely to continue at an accelerated pace. Transnational exchanges of information, labor, and culture are sure to follow. With these exchanges becoming so commonplace it is unrealistic to assume that anyone will be exempt from the repercussions. The spill-over from transnational corporate cultures is already evident in the changing lifestyles of young, Indian call center workers. Business process outsourcing and call center industry jobs, nonetheless, have opened new doors and created new opportunities for the future generations of Indians. But their exposure to foreign cultures and ideals will undoubtedly affect their own identities and the identities of those around them. As India’s information technology industry continues to evolve, the young call centers workers of today will be the entrepreneurial business owners of tomorrow, and the companies they form will, in many ways, bear the marks of the values and cultures they were exposed to in their past international career experiences.
Works Cited
Basu, Indrajit Basu. “India’s call centers hit mid-life crisis.” Asia Times Online14 Jul. 2006. 23 Oct. 2007 <>
Huws, Ursula. "Fixed, Footloose, or Fractured: Work, Identity, and the Spatial Division of Labor in the Twenty-First Century City." Monthly Review 57.10 (2006): 39. Research Library. ProQuest. 23 Oct. 2007 http://www.proquest.com
Kalita, S. Mitra. “Hope and Toil at India’s Call Centers: Up=All-Night Culture Develops Around Outsourced U.S. Jobs.” WashingtonPost.com 27 Dec. 2005. 23 Oct. 2007 <>
Krishnamurthy, Mathangi. “Outsourced Identities: The Fragmentations of the Cross-Border Economy.” Anthropology Vol. 46, No. 3 (2005): 23, 24, 25, 30, 31. Anthrosource. 3 Nov. 2007
Lakshmi, Rama. “India Call Centers Suffer Storm of 4-Letter Words: Executives Blame American Anger Over Outsourcing.” WashingtonPost.com Page A22. 27 Feb. 2005. 23 Oct. 2007 < referrer="emailarticle">
Marquez, Jessica. "UNION CITES HIGH STRESS AT CALL CENTERS IN INDIA." Workforce Management 6 Nov. 2006: 14. ABI/INFORM Global. ProQuest. 23 Oct. 2007 http://www.proquest.com
Menning, Garrett. “The Urban Nexus: Flows of Population, Commerce and Culture among Cities in Western India.” City & Society Vol. 11, No. 1-2 (1999): 16. Anthrosource. 3 Nov. 2007
Mitter, Swasti, Cecilia Ng. Gender and the digital economy: perspectives from the developing world. New Delhi; Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications, 2005. 110, 118, 121, 147.
Page, Jeremy. “Call centre romeos are ‘a major HIV risk’.” The Times 20 Oct. 2007. 23 Oct. 2007 <>
Sharma, Dinesh C. “India call centers face employee exodus.” CNET News.com 27 Aug. 2003. 23 Oct. 2007 < tag="sas.email">
Thanawala, Sudhin. “India’s Call-Center Jobs Go Begging.” Time 16 Oct. 2007. 23 Oct. 2007 <>
No comments:
Post a Comment